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LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY

With reference to the our results collected from the interviews, it can be observed that native Hakka speakers in Hong Kong have developed a mixed identity: on one hand, they describe themselves as “Cantonese in Hong Kong”[1] (Cheung, 2015); on the other hand, they too identify themselves as “Hakka in China”[2] (Cheung, 2015: Ng, 2015).

 

The arising of the mixed identity between Hakka and Cantonese is chiefly due to speakers’ rare use of Hakka under Hong Kong’s social context where Cantonese is the dominant language spoken by the majority of society. According to Li Wei (2007), we use languages to help define “self” and “other”[3] (Auer, &Li, 2007). According to our interviewees: Mrs. Ng admits that she has very few Hakka-speaking friends and rarely has the opportunity to speak in Hakka, even when she communicates with her Hakka family members, she often code-mixes between Hakka and Cantonese[4] (Ng, 2015); although Ms. Cheung claims that she almost uses Hakka everyday, she only has around 10 neighbors who speak Hakka and affirms that she seldom speaks Hakka with each other[5] (Cheung, 2015). This shows the Hong Kong’s social milieu does not enable a linguistic environment where Hakka speakers are capable of having sufficient practice of their language. The lack of practicing the language leads to a weak foundation on which speakers of Hakka construct their identity as a Hakka. It is because, by the seldom practice of a language, the function of the language as an identity marker becomes insignificant since the classification between “self” and “other” is rarely reinforced. This is exactly the case of Hakka in Hong Kong society and therefore gives rise to a mixed identity to Hakka speakers as both “Cantonese” and “Hakka”.

 

Apart from the lack of practice of Hakka, being competent bilingual speakers of Hakka and Cantonese is also a factor leading to the mixed identity of Hakka speakers. According to Derwing (2003), accents are considered as a major component, which constitutes a social identity because it points to ones’ social groups or countries of origin[6] (Derwing, 2003). The idea of accent being an identity is also supported by Hammer (2007) as he points out that it is a common social practice that ones’ cultural background are ascribed by their accents[7] (Hammer, 2007). From our interview results, both native Hakka speakers, Ms. Cheung and Mrs. Ng contended that they do not speak Cantonese with a particularly noticeable Hakka accent[8] (Cheung, &Ng, 2015). It is also evident that their competence in speaking Cantonese is comparable with that of native Cantonese speakers, which make up the majority of the Hong Kong society as, with reference to Ms. Cheung’s confession, “People won’t know I can speak Hakka if I don’t tell them”[9] (Cheung, 2015, A11). Since their native language and native Hakka accent do not produce an easily recognizable difference from the Cantonese speakers, who are the linguistic majority in Hong Kong, the language loses its function in enabling Hakka speakers to differentiate themselves from the others. Therefore, native Hakka speakers are incapable of constructing a strong and 

 

 

 

clear identity of being a Hakka, rather an ambiguous identity between “Hakka” and “Cantonese”.

 

The lack of a strong Hakka-speaking community in Hong Kong’s social milieu also plays a part in constituting the mixed identity of native Hakka speakers in Hong Kong. Referring to the Theory of Language proposed by Richards & Rodgers (2001), it is suggested that there is an Interactional Model of language that considers “language as a vehicle for the realization of interpersonal relations and for the performance of social transaction between individuals”[10] (Richards & Rodgers, 2001, P. 24). They also suggest that the interactive view of language is a two-way street, while language itself is a tool for creating and maintaining social relations, a social identity belonging to that community is constantly reinforced through interactions between members from the community speaking the same language[11] (Richards & Rodgers, 2001). In Hong Kong, there exists an apparent lack of an organized Hakka-speaking community where native Hakka speakers are encouraged to engage in conversation conducted in Hakka comfortably. The lack is also supported by our results collected from the interviews with native speakers as one said she not only has few friends who are able to speak Hakka, but also lacks the opportunity to speak in Hakka with people[12] (Ng, 2015). Although the other interviewee, Ms. Cheung told us that there are wall villages in New Territories with a majority of people speaking Hakka[13] (Cheung, 2015), it is crucial to note that groups in wall villages are closed groups bound by kin and it is not accessible to Hakka speakers living in urban areas who do not share the same kin in those groups. She also added that she has around 30 Hakka-speaking acquaintances, but rarely speaks Hakka with them[14] (Cheung, 2015). Their experiences validate the absence of an organized Hakka-speaking community where native Hakka speakers are able to conduct regular communication in their language in Hong Kong society. In terms of Rampton’s (2003) idea of language affiliation, practice of a language within that language speaking group can help construct speaker’s loyalty to that social group and thus develop an affiliation towards their identity as members of the associated community[15] (Ramton, 2003). Without the social community in Hong Kong that Hakka speakers can point to, their language affiliation to their identity as a Hakka is greatly sabotaged. As a result, an intact identity of solely Hakka cannot be constructed in Hong Kong due to a lack of social community that speakers can be associated with.

 

Due to the aforementioned linguistic environment of Hakka in Hong Kong, which does not allow speakers’ sufficient practice of the language in daily communication within an organized Hakka-speaking, identities of native Hakka users are being gradually undermined with the mixing of ideas of being a Cantonese. This phenomenon rings an alarm for the language since a weak language identity and affiliation leads to a fragile sense of ownership of the language and, in turn, traumatizes their motivation to preserve their own language.

 

 

 

 

 

FOOTNOTES

[1] Cheung Yung Dai, Yau Tsun Fung, 9th April 2015, Interview 1.

 

[2] Cheung Yung Dai, Yau Tsun Fung, 9th April 2015, Interview 1, Ng Wong Shuk Kam, Tsang Hau Tung, 9th April 2015, Interview 2.

 

[3] Auer, Peter, and Li Wei, eds. Handbook of multilingualism and multilingual communication. Vol. 5. Walter de Gruyter, 2007, 357.

 

[4] Ng Wong Shuk Kam, Tsang Hau Tung, 9th April 2015, Interview 2.

 

[5] Cheung Yung Dai, Yau Tsun Fung, 9th April 2015, Interview 1.

 

[6] Derwing, T. M., Rossiter, M. J., & Munro, M. J. (2002). Teachingnative speakers to listen to foreign-accented speech. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 23, 245-259.

 

[7] Harmer, Jeremy. The practice of English language teaching: with DVD. Pearson/Longman, 2008,

 

[8] Cheung Yung Dai, Yau Tsun Fung, 9th April 2015, Interview 1., Ng Wong Shuk Kam, Tsang Hau Tung, 9th April 2015, Interview 2.

 

[9] Cheung Yung Dai, Yau Tsun Fung, 9th April 2015, Interview 1.

 

[10] Rodgers, Theodore S. Approaches and methods in language teaching. Cambridge University Press, 2014, 24

 

[11] ibid

 

[12] Ng Wong Shuk Kam, Tsang Hau Tung, 9th April 2015, Interview 2.

 

[13] Cheung Yung Dai, Yau Tsun Fung, 9th April 2015, Interview 1.

 

[14] ibid

 

[15] Harris, Roxy, and Ben Rampton, eds. The language, ethnicity and race reader. Psychology Press, 2003, 10

 

 

        

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